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Origins of a Creole The History of Papiamentu and Its African Ties

:	Bart Jacobs
:	Origins of a Creole The History of Papiamentu and Its African Ties
:	De Gruyter Mouton
:	9781614511076
:	Language Contact and Bilingualism [LCB]ISSN
:	1
:	CHF 159.80
:

:	Allgemeine und Vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft
:	English

:	401
:	Wasserzeichen/DRM
:	PC/MAC/eReader/Tablet
:	PDF

< >This study embarks on the intriguing quest for the origins of the Caribbean creole language Papiamentu, casting new and long-lasting light on the issue. Embedding exhaustive and rigorous linguistic comparisons in a detailed and novel historical framework, the study convincingly argues that Papiamentu is genetically related to the Portuguese-based creoles of the Cape Verde Islands, Guinea-Bissau, and Casamance (Senegal).

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< >Bart Jacobs, University of Konstanz, Germany.

	Acknowledgements	5
	Abbreviations	13
	Introduction	15
	Presentation of the languages considered in the present study	17
	Papiamentu (PA)	17
	Cape Verdean Creole (CV)	20
	The Creole of Guinea-Bissau and Casamance (GBC)	22
	Hypothesis examined in the present study	23
	Methodological remarks	24
	Linguistic evidence	24
	Negative evidence	25
	Historical evidence	28
	Structure of the present study	28
	1 Critical review of the literature on the origins of Papiamentu	31
	Introduction	31
	1.1. From Schabel (1704) to Lenz (1928)	32
	1.2. Afro-Portuguese hypotheses: from Lenz (1928) to monogenesis	34
	1.3. Spanish hypotheses	38
	1.4. Critical discussion of the Spanish hypotheses	41
	1.4.1. Linguistic continuity between the pre- and post-1634 period?	42
	1.4.2. Linguistic evidence against Old Spanish in PA’s superstate	43
	1.4.3. About the tendency to attribute the Portuguese to other Hispanic varieties	43
	1.5. PA birth among the Sephardim?	44
	1.5.1. On the linguistic profile of the early Curaçaoan Sephardim	45
	1.5.2. Demographic arguments against a PA birth among the Sephardim	50
	1.6. Where does the Portuguese come from?	53
	1.6.1. A shared origin for all Afro-Iberian creoles in the Caribbean?	53
	1.6.2. Goodman’s Brazilian Creole Hypothesis	57
	1.6.3. Gulf of Guinea Portuguese-based Creole	58
	1.6.4. Upper Guinea Portuguese-based Creole	60
	1.7. Summary	62
	2 Phonology	65
	Introduction	65
	2.1. Vowel features	66
	2.1.1. Vowel raising	66
	2.1.2. Rounding of unstressed vowels	69
	2.1.3. Vowel harmony	70
	2.1.4. Monophthongs	71
	2.2. Consonant features	76
	2.2.1. The voiceless palatal fricative /./ in PA and Upper Guinea PC	76
	2.2.2. Retention of Old Portuguese voiceless affricate /t./ in PA and Upper Guinea PC	82
	2.2.3. Rejection of voiced fricatives in PA and Upper Guinea PC	83
	2.2.4. The lack of lambdacism (/r/	83
	86	83
	2.2.5. Rhotacism (/d/	83
	86	83
	2.3. Syllabic restructuring	87
	2.3.1. Apheresis of prefixes	88
	2.3.2. Vowel epenthesis	89
	2.3.3. Metathesis of the /r/	90
	2.3.4. Negative evidence: syllabic restructuring in PLQ and Gulf of Guinea PC	91
	2.4. Paroxytonic verb stress in PA and SCV	92
	2.4.1. Verb stress in GBC	94
	2.4.2. On the diachrony of paroxytonic verb stress in PA and SCV	94
	2.5. Final remarks on phonology	95
	3 Selected parts of speech	97
	Introduction	97
	3.1. Personal pronouns	97
	3.1.1. 1sg (a)mi	100
	3.1.2. Emphatic a- subject pronouns	100
	3.1.3. 2pl SCV nhos	102
	3.1.4. Digression: 2sg polite pronouns in PA	103
	3.1.5. PA nan	104
	3.1.6. Final remarks on pronouns	109
	3.2. Prepositions	109
	3.2.1. PA / Upper Guinea PC di	111
	3.2.2. PA / Upper Guinea PC na	112
	3.2.3. PA / Upper Guinea PC te	113
	3.2.4. PA / Upper Guinea PC riba (di)	114
	3.2.5. PA / Upper Guinea PC pa	115
	3.2.6. Zero preposition with motion verb + place	117
	3.2.7. Reanalysis of Iberian prepositions/adverbs ‘in front of’ and ‘behind’ as nouns	118
	3.2.8. Composed prepositions	120
	3.2.9. A reassessment of the time-depth of prepositions in PA	127
	3.2.10. Final remarks on prepositions	128
	3.3. Interrogatives	128
	3.3.1. Equally transparent interrogative paradigms	130
	3.3.2. PA: Portuguese rather than Spanish etyma	130
	3.3.3. Early PA kantu, kal	130
	3.3.4. PA unda, SCV unde and GBC nunde	131
	3.3.5. PA / Upper Guinea PC ken	131
	3.4. Conjunctions	132
	3.4.1. Coordinate conjunctions	132
	3.4.2. Subordinate conjunctions	134
	3.4.3. Final remarks on conjunctions	143
	3.5. Miscellaneous	143
	3.5.1. Reciprocity and reflexivity	143
	3.5.2. The deictic marker Early PA / Upper Guinea PC es	148
	3.5.3. Negation	153
	4 Morphology	157
	Introduction	157
	4.1. Derivational morphology	158
	4.1.1. PA -mentu	158
	4.1.2. PA -dó	159
	4.1.3. Upper Guinea PC -mentu / -dor	159
	4.1.4. The suffix -dadi in Early PA texts	163
	4.2. Inflectional morphology	164
	4.2.1. The diachrony of PA’s past participle morpheme -/Ø/	165
	4.2.2. The regularization of past participle morphology in PA and Upper Guinea PC	168
	4.3. Passivization in (Early) PA and Upper Guinea PC	169
	4.3.1. Passivization in present-day PA	169
	4.3.2. Passivization in Upper Guinea PC	170
	4.3.3. Auxiliary-less passives in Early PA texts	171
	4.3.4. Digression: On the reliability of Early PA evangelical texts	176
	4.3.5. Auxiliary-less passives (/passive verbs) in present-day Papiamentu	177
	4.3.6. On the incorporation of wòrdu and ser	180
	4.3.7. Digression: The presumed non-nativeness of passives in PA	182
	4.3.8. Final remarks on passivization in PA and Upper Guinea PC	182
	4.4. Final remarks on morphology	183
	5 Verbal system	185
	Introduction	185
	5.1. PA / Upper Guinea PC preverbal ta	186
	5.1.1. Analyzing CV ta as a progressive aspect marker	187
	5.1.2. Analyzing PA ta as [+imperfective], rather than [+present]	200
	5.1.3. Final remarks on PA / Upper Guinea PC preverbal ta	206
	5.2. The diachrony of the PA perfective past marker a	207
	5.3. Future tense marking in PA and Upper Guinea PC	211
	5.3.1. The PA future tense marker lo vs. its absence in Upper Guinea PC	212
	5.3.2. On the origin of PA lo	214
	5.3.3. The diachrony of future tense marking in PA and Upper Guinea PC	217
	5.3.4. Digression: SCV al and PA lo	221
	5.4. PA / BaCV taba – tabata	222
	5.4.1. Digression: On the diachrony of preverbal taba and postverbal -ba	225
	5.5. The issue of relative versus absolute tense marking in PA	228
	5.6. A comparison of stative verbs in PA and SCV	231
	5.6.1. The stative – nonstative distinction in creoles	231
	5.6.2. Strong vs. weak s